Following the parliamentary elections, Nikol Pashinyan's administration has continued its political persecutions at full throttle, accompanied by new arrests, searches, and threats. In the post-election period, the ranks of political prisoners have been "replenished" with prominent figures, including Avetik Chalabyan, Alik Aleksanyan, Davit Hambardzumyan, Artur Sargsyan, Alen Ghevondyan, and others. Pashinyan understands that, despite unprecedented repression and the distribution of electoral bribes at the state level, he was still unable to secure the majority he had hoped for, which is a matter of serious concern for him.
Nonetheless Pashinyan has not lost heart. He is prepared to do whatever it takes not only to preserve what he has achieved through numerous alleged falsifications but also to secure the coveted two-thirds parliamentary majority, thereby safeguarding his absolute one-man rule. He has resorted to repression for two principal reasons: first, by isolating as many opposition figures as possible, he seeks to disrupt the consolidation of public sentiment against his government; second, he aims to demonstrate to his foreign patrons, who are reportedly dissatisfied with the results of the National Assembly elections, that he remains firmly in control of the situation. Both objectives ultimately serve a single purpose: to remain in power for another five years, and then deal with whatever comes next.
Many are surprised that, even now, he remains committed to the aggressive style, inflammatory rhetoric, and hate speech that characterized his election campaign. After all, he has ostensibly won—or at least that is how he sees it. Yet, instead of showing magnanimity and calling for solidarity and national unity in an increasingly polarized society, he once again threatens to "crush," "imprison," and "dispossess" his political opponents—or, in his own terminology, the "three-headed party of war." Meanwhile, prominent, young, and promising figures continue to be sent to prison on fabricated charges.
In reality, expecting kindness or statesmanship from Pashinyan is futile. Eight years have been more than enough to reach that conclusion. Today, he appears more embittered than ever because, deep down, he knows that he was not genuinely elected on June 7. In other words, he failed to receive the number of legitimate votes he had desperately sought. Even according to the official results, which critics claim were manipulated in his favor through significant irregularities, he failed to surpass the 50 percent-plus-one threshold. Even the alleged transfer of approximately 60,000 votes from "Prosperous Armenia" and the unprecedented exclusion of Gagik Tsarukyan from the National Assembly proved insufficient to achieve that goal.
Because of numerous alleged violations, lawsuits filed by seven opposition electoral contenders against the Central Electoral Commission, seeking to have the election results declared invalid and new elections ordered, are currently before the Constitutional Court, which is expected to issue its ruling within fifteen days. However, many believe that the Pashinyan-controlled Constitutional Court will act not in accordance with the law but according to political instructions, delivering the verdict it is expected to deliver. The government is unlikely to agree to new elections or, still less, to a second round of voting, as proposed by Samvel Karapetyan, the leader of the second-place "Strong Armenia" alliance.
Pashinyan, who appears far more inclined toward launching another revolution, would do well to remove the mask of a fake democrat and a fake patriot, because the public exposed him long ago as a man lacking patriotism, marked by hypocrisy, and driven by authoritarian instincts. It is particularly ironic that he now attempts to portray himself as a crusader against vote-buying, for in that arena he has no equal. Was it not Pashinyan himself who, on the eve of the June 7 elections, suddenly decided to raise pensions and social benefits, introduce a universal health insurance system, and announce other costly social initiatives? Armenia has never before witnessed such a large-scale distribution of what critics describe as electoral bribes.
"I unequivocally demand that anyone caught giving or taking electoral bribes must remain in prison until the results of the next nationwide elections have been officially finalized," Pashinyan declared a few days ago. Yes, indeed—you understood correctly. It was none other than Mr. Nikol Pashinyan himself.
“Hayatsk Yerevanits” Journal